By Ashish Singh
I have been trying to contact my friends living in Bangladesh since the day the news of the protests broke. The internet was fluctuating per the government’s wishes, as was everything else. On August 5, when I managed to get hold of one, he seemed happy because Sheikh Hasina had left the country by then. The next calls were made when the media started showing targeted attacks on minorities in Bangladesh. On the morning of August 7, when I called my dear friends, I could hear their voices shivering: “We are still alive.” They told me that they were in hiding, and I did not dare to ask where and how (also because in such situations, I am a bit paranoid). They also told me that if the ongoing events continue, Bangladesh might turn into another Afghanistan or Pakistan in India’s neighbourhood. When asked why they don’t leave the country, they said they have children studying there, houses built, and they have spent a large part of their lives in Bangladesh. Another intelligent friend asked me what India is doing right now for Bangladesh. I did not have any clear answer to that. This is when I wished them well and ended the call with the hope that when I spoke to them next, they would be feeling less insecure and the situation would have calmed down.
Violence against Minorities in Bangladesh
Attacking minority populations has somewhat become a tool in several countries in crises. Bangladesh’s case is no different. Apart from what we are seeing currently, there have been constant influxes of violence against minority populations for a long time. In their research, Roy et al., 2023, found that between 2007 and 2021 there have been a total of 4161 reported incidents, with 1026 in 2015, 692 in 2014, and 573 in 2019. With the highest number of reported rapes in 1992-1993 being 2600, 2001 saw seventeen deaths and more than 600 injured. The spree of violence was spread in several districts of Bangladesh. At times, the attacks were pre-planned and on other occasions random—even a rumour on social media resulted in atrocities against minorities in Bangladesh. The current events seem to follow a similar trend.
Sheikh Hasina’s Game of Chess
Sheikh Hasina was head of the government for over 20 years. It is a fact that during her tenure the country’s economy was performing better.
However, economic growth and, to an extent, stability could not control the unrest among the opposition and sections of society. Bangladesh also managed to come up with several good universities, with some even being world-class.
Sheikh Hasina’s tactics of punitive actions against the opposition dropped her popularity ratings over the years substantially. Furthermore, in the recent protests, it seems she and her cabinet misread the situation and were more worried about the destruction of property than the lives and demands of students. While the official data shows about 300 deaths during the protests, unofficially it may have reached 1000 or even more, plus more than 10,000 arrests. By the time she realised her mistake, the protestors were asking for her resignation, eventually leading to her escape to India.
While many experts are denying the involvement of foreign governments, Hasina’s meeting with “white men” has also been brought up by others. Managing between India, China, the USA, and other players must require additional carefulness, especially when the opposition consists of radical elements in a country unable to move on from its bloody past.
What next?
There are two sets of information floating in the media—one showing atrocities against minority groups in Bangladesh, with another showcasing how students are trying to repair the damage. It may not seem wrong to argue that suppressed mass anger is causing the aftermath, but seeing Tagore’s statue vandalised, Mujib’s statue being peed upon, and a popular singer’s house set on fire along with attacks on other identity groups (primarily Hindus)—the argument about infiltration of radical elements like Jamat in the students’ protests cannot be ignored.
The police in Bangladesh are in hiding, the army is watching the destruction of the country and, to an extent, enjoying their growing strength while talking about the formation of an interim government. The army also wants to be careful in taking direct control of the country. The next few weeks are going to be tough for Bangladesh. Mohd Yunus, whether he becomes the government head or chief advisor—still unclear—is being given a big responsibility. BNP and Jamat have already shown their true colours in the past, so to trust them to be “nice” seems not more than wishful thinking. Students are asking for more time to be able to form a new political party, I have just heard.
India has to think strategically about what it can do for its neighbour while assessing its own humanitarian and security challenges. It cannot completely pull itself out or just detach itself from Sheikh Hasina; however, the leadership also needs to stop romanticising the events of 1971. The question of minorities has to be addressed with extreme caution, as events in one country or region tend to spread over to its neighbours, many scholars have argued. Furthermore, India has a larger role to play without interfering in the domestic processes of transition in Bangladesh, acknowledging the fact that institutions in that country have their own agency with a segmented population. India also needs to make sure that in case BNP and/or Jamat form a government in Bangladesh in the near future, India is able to work with them.
I don’t think it’s a David vs Goliath story, as it seems more like a Raktabeej kind of challenge. While knowing that hope begets hope, I conclude this article hoping for improvement in the ongoing situation of Bangladesh and the injustices to end.
(Ashish Singh is a social and political scientist.)
