There has to be more to former AAP Rajya Sabha MPs’ decision to ‘merge’ with the BJP than seems to meet the eye. On the face of it, they have been unable to endure the ‘ill-treatment’ dealt out by AAP Supremo Arvind Kejriwal. One example is that of Swati Maliwal, who was not only insulted but even physically assaulted in then Chief Minister Kejriwal’s residence. Even though the controversy remained in the headlines for quite some time, she received no support from her party colleagues and had to suffer political isolation. This reflects upon the culture of the Aam Aadmi Party, revealing the dictatorial hold Kejriwal has upon it and wishes to maintain with the help of a small coterie of supporters.
Raghav Chadha and company could have formed a separate group in the Rajya Sabha if it was just an internal matter open to being resolved within party ranks. However, it would seem that there is more brewing than is visible to the eye. It probably has to do with larger dissatisfaction with the Bhagwant Mann government in Punjab. That the BJP has welcomed the defecting MPs into its ranks is obviously because it expects more to happen in that state, where it has been struggling to establish itself as the prominent party. There are yet to be confirmed reports that some ‘forty-five’ MLAs are also looking for an alternative to the present set-up. How this shapes up in the future remains to be seen.
If all this is true, questioning the ‘constitutional morality’ of the defection is not enough. There is a reason why a number has been mentioned in the anti-defection law – a tough two-thirds requirement for it to be legal. That criterion has been met in the present situation if all seven MPs are fully on board. (Public confirmation, for instance, is still awaited from Harbhajan Singh.) It is only right for public representatives to do that which they feel necessary to forward the people’s interests. The structure and hold over power of political parties is not sacrosanct – democracy means taking up challenges when required.
The larger question, of course, is why alternate ideologies to the BJP are not being able to hold their own. Has it to do with the fact that most are ‘private holdings’, without established and properly articulated India-centric ideologies? Can grassroots workers hope to reach the highest positions if they have the ability, and public support? Mere electoral politics based on the charisma of top leaders is by no means enough. It can only result in the decline in governance witnessed in West Bengal, and being feared in Punjab.
