India’s diversity is also reflected in the manner of governance being provided by different political parties in its many states. Each is a model based on the ideology of the respective party in power, providing to the people many choices and the opportunity to support what they like. For instance, there was the hugely popular Aam Aadmi Party-Kejriwal model in Delhi that overdid populism to that point that it eventually lost favour with the voters. The party focused far too much on government funded social welfare and ignored other equally important elements like revenue generation, infrastructure, and growth- oriented economics. Above all, the objective was to gain votes, instead of doing what was right.
This is the compulsion in a democratic system in which elections need to be won every five years. It is not surprising, therefore, that Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar is seeking to replicate the ‘free electricity’ (125 units per month) tactic that served Kejriwal so well. It targets the very sections that benefited in Delhi and have the same priorities in Bihar. The difference is that there is also the Modi model in play that is bringing in large investments in the bid to generate employment and curb migration. That is the benefit of the NDA coalition model, which balances out the ideological inclinations of each partner. The effort is to provide an alternative to the traditional caste and community politics that has dominated the state. Undoubtedly, the voters will have learned lessons from the past and the trends in other states and will choose accordingly.
For instance, the Marathi language chauvinism in Maharashtra is targeting mostly migrants from the north, including Bihar. A similar attitude has gained strength in Tamil Nadu. How will the Bihari voters respond? Will it strengthen caste consciousness or make them realise that respect is accorded eventually to the financially well-off?
Similarly, in Uttarakhand, with just the BJP in power, the trend towards achieving Hindutva goals is gradually taking priority over other duties of government. The overt religiosity of ministers, the decision to have shlokas of the Bhagwat Gita chanted at morning assemblies in schools, etc., indicates a belief that this would ensure victory in the elections. The overall impact of this on society is obviously not being considered. It will send a message to other states, particularly in the South, about the nature of Hindutva politics. Are such decisions being taken in consonance with the Central leadership, or do these indicate other influences on the state leadership? These and other considerations will shape the nuanced politics of India that will emerge in the future.
