By S Paul
The Uttarakhand Freedom of Religion (Amendment) Bill, 2025, as presented to the public, is vague and runs counter to the democratic principles defined by our constitution. Ours is not a theocratic democracy, but rather the purest form of democracy practiced in the world. Why, then, this regressive trend? Lawmakers claim this is necessary to control demographic changes caused by religious conversion. But are demographic changes so adversely affected by conversions? It appears the main intention is not to let foreign-born beliefs upset the indigenous faith rooted in our culture and defined by our texts: the Vedas, Upanishads, and Puranas. This premise is also against our nation’s constitutional freedom of religion. Are we so fearful that a culturally sound dharma could be subverted and ruled by an alien culture? History does not support this fear. We have endured about 500 years of slavery and subjugation by alien cultures, and we still maintain our ancient Vedic culture, supporting the ethos of Sanatana dharma.
Nonetheless, the prospect of cultural shifts in our social fabric is a matter of concern. The law defines conversion through proselytization as illegal, but it attempts only casually to clarify what proselytization entails. It fails to distinguish that faith conversion may occur in three ways: 1) when a person or group voluntarily converts due to spiritual need; 2) when a person is coerced or blackmailed into converting; and 3) when a person or group is enticed with monetary gains, jobs, better living standards, or freedom from discrimination. Only the latter two should be addressed under the law. The first scenario is already covered by the constitutional right of ‘Freedom of Religion’. Why, then, are voluntary converts persecuted? This anomaly needs urgent attention.
Moreover, the law is not explicit regarding who should enforce it, nor how offenders should be prosecuted. It is becoming a social nuisance and a law-and-order issue when vigilantes take matters into their own hands, raiding and punishing prayer gatherings by vandalising private property and physically assaulting attendees—even at regular prayer meetings. These vigilantes then, at their discretion, call the police. Usually, it is the persecuted who call for police intervention, but the police, siding with the vigilantes, promptly arrest them. This is a blatant misuse of human rights and the privacy granted under our nation’s constitution. The law should specify the provisions of the Indian Penal Code and the Code of Criminal Procedure under which such arrests and confinements are carried out. Unfortunately, many vigilante groups have now emerged in society, carrying out such persecutions with impunity. Are these vigilantes authorised by our government? If so, do they possess proper licences to disrupt social gatherings for prayers and religious discourse? If authorised, do they carry any identification? Otherwise, any antisocial element could commit acts of violence for revenge, threats, or dominance. If unchecked, such offences will only weaken our social fabric further and benefit criminal groups or ambitious politicians. Should this antisocial behaviour be allowed to persist, it may spiral out of control and attract international scrutiny. All the respect and progress achieved thus far by our present leadership will be adversely affected.
I believe the problem of certain alien faiths using devious means of conversion can best be tackled by introspecting our own social practices and traditions, which make our women and Dalits vulnerable. In our society, male members are treated as superior to females. A young girl, even the eldest child, is made to feel less important than her younger brother. Her freedom is curtailed—she is denied opportunities to learn and socialise. In the age of mobile phones, such confinement drives our daughters to seek connection through media, making them vulnerable to false promises and the allure of freedom they do not find at home. Frequent physical assaults by fathers or brothers cause them to crave attention elsewhere. Dalits are still ostracised as ‘untouchables’, subject to humiliation by ‘higher caste’ neighbours, especially if they dare to celebrate a wedding or a festival. Is this not reason enough for the oppressed to seek solace and respect elsewhere?
Every day, the media reports young women and children missing or abducted. Is there any data indicating how many belong to the majority religion or to minority faiths? Why do they disappear, and where do they end up? Are they forced into flesh trade or forcibly converted? Vigilantes could do really good by helping authorities find them and uncover the reasons behind their disappearance.
Let our leadership endeavour to discipline our society based on our Vedic principles and find ways and means to integrate modernism with our ethics of ‘simple living high thinking’.
