Pakistan’s role as ‘mediator’ between Iran and the US has certainly raised its profile in the world of diplomacy. It will remain longer in the circles that matter, the longer the stalemate continues. Also, its effort will be appreciated if it results in a peace deal. As such, it has the opportunity to establish itself as a more mature and credible entity. This period of being in the limelight seems to have brought about some changes in its ideological approach internally despite ‘Field Marshal’ Asim Munir having a radical approach on Muslim identity and relations with ‘Hindu India’.
This is reflected in the recent attempt to restore the original Hindu names of roads and buildings. Although, threats from extremists have led to suspension of this move, the very fact that it was contemplated says a lot. Similarly, in external relations, growing closer to the US will require signing the ‘Abraham Accords’, which will go against its entire political narrative at home.
This attempt to “mainstream” requires major internal changes, which span both integrating its informal economy and bringing marginalised groups (like the former FATA tribal regions) into the constitutional fold—that will need vital administrative, legal, and revenue benefits. This remains heavily hindered by political instability, institutional capacity gaps, and violent extremism.
The effort faces several pitfalls. Policy volatility and frequent power struggles open Pakistan up to external manipulation. Mainstreaming efforts are frequently disrupted by military interventions, frequent regime changes, and an under-resourced civilian government. Integrating radical religious and militant elements into the electoral and political mainstream creates massive friction. It risks legitimising extremist ideologies and inflaming societal polarisation rather than de-radicalizing them. Local institutions face severe capacity issues, and rapid mainstreaming without the proper administrative groundwork leads to a breakdown in governance and widespread corruption. Although, not all these problems exist uniformly through its provinces, the national economy being on life support affects general policy making, both, internally and externally. The challenge of becoming even a regional player, therefore, remains enormous.
Even as its relations with India remain ‘frozen’, its dependence on ‘patrons’ China and the US denies it any real autonomy. This would be of little concern if the old habit of distracting the public with sponsoring terror attacks on India did not exist. There have been some statements from ministers that these were ‘mistakes of the past’, but the situation will need to be re-examined once the Strait of Hormuz crisis is resolved. As of now, Pakistan will continue with its identity crisis – modern state or theological disaster?
